Iraq : The unthinkable as normalcy-II
This has been the greatest political scandal of our time, writes John Pilger
In contrast, there is no media questioning of the methodology of the Iraqi Special Tribune, which has announced that mass graves contain 300,000 victims of Saddam Hussein. The Special Tribune, a product of the quisling regime in Baghdad , is run by the Americans; respected scientists want nothing to do with it. There is no questioning of what the BBC calls “ Iraq ’s first democratic elections.” There is no reporting of how the Americans have assumed control over the electoral process with two decrees passed in June that allow an “electoral commission” in effect to eliminate parties Washington does not like. Time magazine reports that the CIA is buying its preferred candidates, which is how the agency has fixed elections over the world. When or if the elections take place, we will be doused in clichés about the nobility of voting, as America ’s puppets are “democratically” chosen.
The model for this was the “coverage” of the American presidential election, a blizzard of platitudes normalising the unthinkable: that what happened on 2 November was not democracy in action. With one exception, no one in the flock of pundits flown from London described the circus of Bush and Kerry as the contrivance of fewer than 1 per cent of the population, the ultra-rich and powerful who control and manage a permanent war economy. That the losers were not only the Democrats, but the vast majority of Americans, regardless of whom they voted for, was unmentionable.
No one reported that John Kerry, by contrasting the “war on terror” with Bush’s disastrous attack on Iraq , merely exploited public distrust of the invasion to build support for American dominance throughout the world. “I’m not talking about leaving [ Iraq ],” said Kerry. “I’m talking about winning!” In this way, both he and Bush shifted the agenda even further to the right, so that millions of anti-war Democrats might be persuaded that the US has “the responsibility to finish the job” lest there be “chaos.” The issue in the presidential campaign was neither Bush nor Kerry, but a war economy aimed at conquest abroad and economic division at home. The silence on this was comprehensive, both in America and here.
Bush won by invoking, more skillfully than Kerry, the fear of an ill-defined threat. How was he able to normalise this paranoia? Let’s look at the recent past. Following the end of the cold war, the American elite Republican and Democrat were having great difficulty convincing the public that the billions of dollars spent on the war economy should not be diverted to a “peace dividend.” A majority of Americans refused to believe that there was still a “threat” as potent as the red menace. This did not prevent Bill Clinton sending to Congress the biggest “defence” bill in history in support of a Pentagon strategy called “full-spectrum dominance.” On 11 September 2001, the threat was given a name: Islam.
Flying into Philadelphia recently, I spotted the Kean congressional report on 11 September from the 9/11 Commission on sale at the bookstalls. “How many do you sell?” I asked. “One or two,” was the reply. “It’ll disappear soon.” Yet, this modest, blue-covered book is a revelation. Like the Butler report in the UK, which detailed all the incriminating evidence of Blair’s massaging of intelligence before the invasion of Iraq, then pulled its punches and concluded nobody was responsible, so the Kean report makes excruciatingly clear what really happened, then fails to draw the conclusions that stare it in the face. It is a supreme act of normalising the unthinkable. This is not surprising, as the conclusions are volcanic.
The most important evidence to the 9/11 Commission came from General Ralph Eberhart, commander of the North American Aerospace Defence Command (Norad).
“Air force jet fighters could have intercepted hijacked airliners roaring towards the World Trade Center and Pentagon,” he said, “if only air traffic controllers had asked for help 13 minutes sooner . . . We would have been able to shoot down all three . . . all four of them.”
Why did this not happen?
The Kean report makes clear that “the defence of US aerospace on 9/11 was not conducted in accord with pre-existing training and protocols . . . If a hijack was confirmed, procedures called for the hijack coordinator on duty to contact the Pentagon’s National Military Command Center (NMCC) . . . The NMCC would then seek approval from the office of the Secretary of Defence to provide military assistance . . . “
Uniquely, this did not happen. The commission was told by the deputy administrator of the Federal Aviation Authority that there was no reason the procedure was not operating that morning. “For my 30 years of experience . . .” said Monte Belger, “the NMCC was on the net and hearing everything real-time . . . I can tell you I’ve lived through dozens of hijackings . . . and they were always listening in with everybody else.”
But on this occasion, they were not. The Kean report says the NMCC was never informed. Why? Again, uniquely, all lines of communication failed, the commission was told, to America ’s top military brass. Donald Rumsfeld, secretary of defence, could not be found; and when he finally spoke to Bush an hour and a half later, it was, says the Kean report, “a brief call in which the subject of shoot-down authority was not discussed.” As a result, Norad’s commanders were “left in the dark about what their mission was.”
The report reveals that the only part of a previously fail-safe command system that worked was in the White House where Vice-President Cheney was in effective control that day, and in close touch with the NMCC. Why did he do nothing about the first two hijacked planes? Why was the NMCC, the vital link, silent for the first time in its existence? Kean ostentatiously refuses to address this. Of course, it could be due to the most extraordinary combination of coincidences. Or it could not.
In July 2001, a top secret briefing paper prepared for Bush read: “We [the CIA and FBI] believe that OBL [Osama Bin Laden] will launch a significant terrorist attack against US and/or Israeli interests in the coming weeks. The attack will be spectacular and designed to inflict mass casualties against US facilities or interests. Attack preparations have been made. Attack will occur with little or no warning.”
On the afternoon of 11 September, Donald Rumsfeld, having failed to act against those who had just attacked the United States , told his aides to set in motion an attack on Iraq when the evidence was non-existent. Eighteen months later, the invasion of Iraq , unprovoked and based on lies now documented, took place. This epic crime is the greatest political scandal of our time, the latest chapter in the long 20th-century history of the west’s conquests of other lands and their resources. If we allow it to be normalised, if we refuse to question and probe the hidden agendas and unaccountable secret power structures at the heart of “democratic” governments and if we allow the people of Fallujah to be crushed in our name, we surrender both democracy and humanity.
--Concluded
(John Pilger was born and educated in Sydney , Australia . He has been a war correspondent, filmmaker and playwright. Based in London , he has written from many countries and has twice won British journalism’s highest award, that of “Journalist of the Year,” for his work in Vietnam and Cambodia .)
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